The legacy of Manifest Destiny? Trauma and suffering

SOURCE: http://www.santafenewmexican.com/opinion/my_view/the-legacy-of-manifest-destiny-trauma-and-suffering/article_1a6e980c-41ff-50bc-bee4-40836ad18ddf.html

The All Pueblo Council of Governors consists of the 19 sovereign Pueblo Nations of New Mexico, with the 20th Pueblo nation, Ysleta del Sur, in Texas. We are the oldest political organization in the country, dating back to the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. We are the primary and official advocacy organization representing the Pueblo Nations on all matters locally and at the state and federal levels.

We are appalled and deeply offended by the recent statements at a charter school conference by Public Education Department Secretary-designate Christopher Ruszkowski regarding Manifest Destiny as the continuing core value of this nation and the state that drives the education agenda. This is utterly disgraceful, lacking any sensitivity, understanding and appreciation of the atrocious impacts of Manifest Destiny upon generations of our people. The principles of Manifest Destiny have inflicted multigenerational trauma. That is the legacy of Manifest Destiny in our history.

Manifest Destiny for tribal nations is aligned with the Doctrine of Discovery that justified the racial hierarchy. The discriminatory principles drawn from these two doctrines made their way into the earliest U.S. Supreme Court decisions that defined policies and laws significantly disadvantageous to Native Americans and their nations that continue to this day.

As a result of the Western expansion, the General Allotment Act of 1887, commonly known as the Dawes Act, formalized and incorporated “Indian Education.” The policy of assimilation was, in their words, to “convert them into American citizens.” These combined policies ushered in the boarding schools. The mantra was “to kill the Indian and save the man. The way you kill the language and culture is to remove the children and deny those children their language and culture.”

In the words of Thomas Jefferson Morgan, commissioner of Indian affairs in 1889, “We must either fight the Indians, feed the Indians or else educate them. To fight them is cruel, to feed them is a waste, while to educate them is humane, economic, and Christian.” This was the justification to transform us, to strip us from our identity and to force us into the “melting pot.” We have resisted, struggling to find a balance and, in many places, created great successes.

The Santa Fe Indian School on Cerrillos Road was one of the earliest schools constructed in 1890 to fulfill Manifest Destiny and to further the assimilation of our children. Since the historic enactment of the Self Determination and Education Assistance Act that we actively worked on and passed into law in 1975, we have taken ownership and transformed the school driven by our vision of education. The Santa Fe Indian School was the first Indian-controlled school recognized by President Ronald Reagan as a School of Education Excellence.

Unfortunately, for many schools out of our control, since the earliest days, study after study documents the failures and the devastation caused by ill-conceived policies and laws. It may have made America great, but it has been at a huge cost to the indigenous peoples of this nation. We are the surviving nations and peoples.

A person in Ruszkowski’s position in 2017 in a state with a population that has been significantly victimized and devastated by these policies he espouses regrettably has no place in a leadership capacity. The least that our children, their parents and our leaders deserve is an apology for those comments.

In the last several months, we have been engaged in protesting proposals by the department’s Bilingual and Multicultural Education Bureau to repeal and replace essential language programs — this, after years of struggle to legitimize indigenous languages to take their rightful place among heritage languages that are in statute. We have argued that our children should have the opportunity to learn their languages as a basic and fundamental right in their education, and we have accomplished that. It is at the heart of our protest to any changes to that framework.

This conflict exemplifies at the most fundamental level our continuing struggle and fight for what our children deserve in maintaining their identity, while having the best education possible. When children were forcibly removed from their families and shipped off to boarding schools, Hopi elders protested against the cruelty of these government policies. For their protests, they were imprisoned at Alcatraz. Our advocacy on behalf of our children continues with the deepest of our love for them and what we feel they deserve. What the man in charge of public education espouses is offensive, given our history and fight for survival.

E. Paul Torres is the chairman of the All Pueblo Council of Governors. He is from Isleta Pueblo.

Here’s what Public Education Department Secretary-designate Christopher Ruszkowski said earlier this month, speaking at the Charter School Coalition’s annual conference in Albuquerque, as reported by the Albuquerque Journal. Ruszkowski was discussing the notion of school choice, which he touted as “quintessentially American,” before going on to say: “This is a country built over the last 250 years on things like freedom, choice, competition, options, going west, Manifest Destiny — these are the fundamental principles of this country. That’s why charter schools make so much sense — high-quality options — in the context of where we are as a country.”

A white mother went to Alabama to fight for civil rights. The Klan killed her for it.

SOURCE: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/retropolis/wp/2017/12/15/a-white-mother-went-to-alabama-to-fight-for-civil-rights-the-klan-killed-her-for-it/?utm_term=.5d48e7f5500b

 December 15 at 12:01 PM

Viola Liuzzo, left, was helping to shuttle black demonstrators between Selma and Montgomery, Ala., when she was shot to death by the Klan on March 26, 1965. (Jack Thornell/AP)

It was her face that got me.

The woman who gazed from the photo in the Gary Post Tribune in April 1965 was blond and girlishly glamorous, wearing dark — I assumed red — lipstick. To my young eyes, nothing about her face belonged in an article about civil rights, or could be remotely connected to the movement-inspired mayhem my family often saw on the TV news.

The face belonged to Viola Liuzzo, 39, a wife and mother of five who’d left her family in Detroit to drive to Alabama to march with Martin Luther King Jr. And now she was dead, shot after ferrying protesters in her car with a “Negro man,” as African Americans were referred to then. I couldn’t make sense of it. Didn’t Liuzzo know about the water hoses and German shepherds being unleashed on people crazy enough to demand equal rights? Hadn’t she seen the snarling white faces on TV, so monstrously contorted with rage that even young black kids like me had to wonder, “Why do they hate me?” Liuzzo’s concern for Negroes meant her children were now motherlessa fact that had to be as unthinkable for them as it would have been for me. Would they hate me, too?

I thought of four other kids — girls barely older than me, blown up in a Birmingham church bombing two years earlier though they couldn’t possibly have hurt anybody. I remembered the three young civil rights workers — two white and one black — buried in a Mississippi dirt pile the previous year. But they were men— people I expected to take risks.

Viola Liuzzo was a woman — and white. She was cute. She was a mom. Suddenly I knew the monsters could kill anyone. More shockingly, Liuzzo had voluntarily put herself in a position where she could be attacked, even killed, for helping people who looked like my family and me — people she didn’t even know. Her enormous sacrifice suggested there were people in this country far better than the newscasts suggested. And if a white mom with everything to live for would risk death for me, maybe I mattered more than even I had dared to imagine.

Just last month, five decades after her death, Liuzzo — the only white woman killed in the Civil Rights movement — was awarded the Fred L. Shuttlesworth award from the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute on its 25th anniversary. Singer/activist Harry Belafonte and Birmingham’s first black mayor, Richard Arrington Jr., also were honored.


Marie Foster, left, and Evelyn Lowery, right, place a wreath at the site where Viola Liuzzo was killed by Klansmen on Highway 80 near Lowndesboro, Ala., on March 18, 1995. (Kevin Glackmeyer/AP)

Few doubt that our nation has evolved in ways the child I once was couldn’t have dreamed. Yet I can’t help noticing how .?.?. small some Americans are becoming, or how divided some leaders are encouraging us to be. Where’s the Christian compassion so many of us subscribe to, that Viola so clearly possessed? Consider what confronts today’s children of color on the news: homegrown Nazis, a president calling athletes “sons of bitches” for protesting police having less regard for their families than they do for white ones, and the Border Patrol seeking to deport a 10-year-old Mexican girl with cerebral palsy — who’d lived in Texas since she was 3 months old — immediately after emergency surgery. Do these kids feel hated? Are they as astounded as I was that a white person — think Heather Heyer, mowed down in Charlottesville — could die for supporting them?

None of that explains Liuzzo’s face in that newspaper. Countless terrific parents heard King’s call for Americans to join demonstrators in Alabama after the violence on “Bloody Sunday.” Most stayed safely home. In the mid 1960s, it was all but unthinkable for a white mother to answer the call, but over the years, Liuzzo’s name and sacrifice faded from view. Yet the memory of the effect of her photo never left me. So I was thrilled last year to meet Mary Lilleboe, 69, one of Liuzzo’s three daughters, at the March on Washington Film Festival in the District. Haltingly admitting her mom is among my heroes, I asked a question that long haunted me:

“Who was she?”

Lilleboe’s answer: Everything you’d want a mom — and a hero — to be. She and her siblings were only too happy to discuss their mother with me recently, “not as a martyr,” as eldest daughter Penny put it, “but as this wonderful human being who loved every living creature.”

Lilleboe was a 10th-grader in 1965. Her book report on “To Kill A Mockingbird” was in the car in which her mom died. The intolerance for suffering that had led Liuzzo to enroll in nursing classes made her acutely aware of black Americans’ feelings of invisibility. During a visit to a department store’s elaborate Christmasdisplay, she asked Lilleboe, then 13, how she’d feel if every Santa she saw was black instead of white. When Lilleboe was 16, Liuzzo asked her how she’d feel “if the magazines I loved never put pretty white girls on their covers.” The questions saddened Lilleboe, now 69, of Grants Pass, Ore., but offered “a glimpse into a world totally different than the one I was living in.”

By any measure, the life Liuzzo gave her children was an enviable one. The wife of a Teamsters business agent, she was the nature-loving mom, whose Tennessee roots inspired barefoot strolls and an insistence on exposing her kids to planetariums, rodeos, circuses and even watching their dog giving birth, so they’d appreciate the natural world. She was the caring mom who cured son Tony’s terror of the noisy trucks spraying pesticides on the neighborhood’s trees by visiting City Hall and arranging for him to ride in one. “I’m sitting on this big truck, helping [workers],” Tony, 62, of Milwaukee recalls. I was never afraid after that.”

She was the fun mom, says Penny, 71, of Irwin, Tenn., describing the night she and a friend watching a scary movie were terrified when Viola — wailing ghoulishly in a fright wig, greenish makeup and Tony’s black altar-boy robes — materialized from around a dark corner.

What possessed Liuzzo to respond to her husband’s assertion that civil rights “isn’t your fight,” with, “It’s everybody’s fight,” and to join the hundreds flooding Alabama to protest?


A civil rights demonstrator is attacked by dogs in Birmingham, Ala., in 1963. (Bill Hudson/AP)

She’d only been there a week when, after shuttling weary marchers from Montgomery to Selma in her 1963 Oldsmobile with volunteer Leroy Moton, 19, a car full of Klansmen spied Liuzzo and her black, male passenger. The men fired into the car, striking Liuzzo twice in the head. Covered in her blood, Moton played dead, later testifying against the killers, three of whom were sentenced to 10 years in prison.

Liuzzo’s instantaneous response to King’s appeal didn’t shock Lilleboe. “If Mom saw a wrong .?.?. she took action,” she explains. When a neighbor’s house burned down one Christmas eve, her mother pounded on the door of a toy store owner’s home, insisting he open his shop so she could buy presents for the displaced family.

Her empathy was so reflexive, Lilleboe wonders, “Was Mom born with it?” As a child in Chattanooga, Liuzzo despised how cruelly she and her sister Rose Mary were treated as poor kids living in one-room shacks — yet she couldn’t help noticing black kids were treated even worse. Lilleboe never forgot her mom’s grief when the baby Liuzzo was carrying was stillborn — and her outrage when her Catholic church refused to bury her infant because it wasn’t baptized. If her love was too deep to discriminate against a baby, Liuzzo reasoned, God’s had to be immeasurably deeper, so she left Catholicism. Viola’s best friend in the world was Sara Evans, a black restaurant worker whom Liuzzo asked to care for her kids if anything befell her. After Liuzzo’s death, Evans became the brood’s second mother, especially when their dad — devastated by his beloved wife’s murder — drank too much or retreated.


Anthony Liuzzo, left, arrives with his family at Immaculate Heart of St. Mary Church in Detroit, on March 30, 1965, where a funeral is held for his wife, Viola Liuzzo, a civil rights worker slain in Alabama. From left are, Liuzzo; Thomas, 13; Mary 17; Anthony, Jr. 10; and Penny, 18. The fifth child, Sally, 6 is partially hidden between Anthony and Penny. (AP Photo)

Evans wasn’t the only reason Viola’s kids didn’t resent black people after her death. How could they, asks Tony, when the loathing heaped upon them seemed similar to the bigotry black people endured? “The only thing racists hated worse than blacks were the whites helping them,” Lilleboe explains. Liuzzo’s children’s agony over losing their mom was deepened by death threats, a cross burned on their lawn and shots fired into their home. Their father finally hired armed guards to protect them. A seventh-grade counselor smacked Tony upside the head for lagging behind in school, shouting, “Your mother’s been dead long enough!” Sally, 59, who also lives in Irwin, will never forget her first day back to first grade after Liuzzo’s death. She’d worn her favorite, just-polished white saddle shoes. It was pouring rain, so when 6-year-old Sally saw the street lined with adults throwing rocks and shouting “N-lover’s daughter!” she attributed their anger to “the white polish from my shoes bleeding onto the floor.” They couldn’t possibly be referring to the mommy she missed.

There’s more. Hours after Liuzzo’s slaying, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover began a smear campaign against the victim to divert attention from an inconvenient fact: an FBI informant known to have participated in Klan violence had been in the killers’ car and may even have participated in the slaying. Viola’s family endured Hoover’s claiming that cuts on their her arm from the car’s shattered window indicated “recent drug use” and that her proximity to Moton resembled “a necking party,” despite an autopsy revealing no traces of drugs in her system and indicating she hadn’t had sex recently before her death.

Yet there are many good memories. Though they never took him up on it, the Liuzzos were invited by King, and later his wife, Coretta, to spend Christmas with them for years after Viola’s passing. “He was so sweet,” Sally, 59, says of King, who before her mom’s funeral, told her, “One day you’ll understand your mom was a hero.”

Heroes, by their nature, are extraordinary. Yet Lilleboe sometimes wonders, “Why wasn’t everybody in Selma?” Like her siblings, she enjoys speaking to groups about Viola, always feeling wrapped in a blanket of love — especially from black Americans who still revere the martyr who was “a mother and a homemaker .?.?. instead of a leader, priest or organizer.” She particularly delights in visiting Alabama, despite her mother having been killed there. “Fifty-two years ago, the Klan thought they took my mother away,” she explains. “But she’s alive there, as are all the martyrs who fought that fight. I feel them on the streets they walked.”

Mary Liuzzo Lilleboe, with now Senator-elect Doug Jones (D-Ala), on Nov. 19 at the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis (Courtesy of Mary Liuzzo Lilleboe)

Many historians ascribe the speed with which the Voting Rights Act passed on Aug. 6, 1965 — Sally’s seventh birthday — to national outrage over a white woman being slain rather than another dispensable Negro — like, say, Jimmie Lee Jackson, the Army veteran whose 1965 shooting during a demonstration incensed Liuzzo. My own esteem for Liuzzo’s sacrifice in no way compromised my awe for every black protester. Yet I can’t help marveling at people with no discernible dog in a fight who jump in with both feet. It’s too easy, shrugging, “Not my fight.”

Today, cynical politicians are capitalizing on our self-absorption. They know how … human it is to dismiss horrors that don’t touch us personally; to give more importance to our surface differences than to explore the deeper commonalities Liuzzo never forgot. Yet many aren’t buying it. Democratic victories attributed to unusually high voter turnout in Virginia’s recent election and this week in Alabama reminded Lilleboe of her mother. “It’s really all about the vote,” she says. “That’s what everybody who worked and suffered and died in the movement was working for — not just to secure the vote, but to realize its power when it’s exercised.”

Decades later, I still love the girlish photo of Liuzzo that captivated me. Yet as a grown-up, I’m equally moved by an image shot the day before she died. In it, Viola is trudging with other marchers, her face older, careworn. Clasping her shoes, she’s as barefoot as the Tennessee schoolgirl who first noticed Negroes were treated even worse than she was.

There’s nothing girlish about Liuzzo’s set face. Changing the world takes grit, grinding effort, unrelenting faith. In the journal the Liuzzos obtained from the FBI, my childhood hero wrote, “I can’t sit back and watch my people suffer,” about folks who looked nothing like her. Explains Lilleboe: “She actually believed it when Christ said that the suffering and needy are our people. Mom saw all other human beings as her people.”

For that, I’ll always be grateful.

Donna Britt is a former Washington Post columnist who lives in Silver Spring, Md.

Love Has No Labels | Diversity & Inclusion | Ad Council

Published on Mar 3, 2015

While the vast majority of Americans consider themselves unprejudiced, many of us unintentionally make snap judgments about people based on what we see—whether it’s race, age, gender, religion, sexuality, or disability. The Love Has No Labels campaign challenges us to open our eyes to our bias and prejudice and work to stop it in ourselves, our friends, our families, and our colleagues. Rethink your bias at http://www.lovehasnolabels.com

10 Racist US Supreme Court Rulings

Source: https://www.thoughtco.com/racist-supreme-court-rulings-721615

by Tom Head
Updated March 03, 2017
The Supreme Court has issued some fantastic civil rights rulings over the years, but these aren’t among them. Here are ten of the most astonishingly racist Supreme Court rulings in American history, in chronological order.

01
of 10
Dred Scott v. Sandford (1856)
When a slave petitioned the U.S. Supreme Court for his freedom, the Court ruled against him—also ruling that the Bill of Rights didn’t apply to African Americans. If it did, the majority ruling argued, then African Americans would be permitted “the full liberty of speech in public and in private,” “to hold public meetings upon political affairs,” and “to keep and carry arms wherever they went.” In 1856, both the justices in the majority and the white aristocracy they represented found this idea too horrifying to contemplate. In 1868, the Fourteenth Amendment made it law. What a difference a war makes!

02
of 10
Pace v. Alabama (1883)
In 1883 Alabama, interracial marriage meant two to seven years’ hard labor in a state penitentiary. When a black man named Tony Pace and a white woman named Mary Cox challenged the law, the Supreme Court upheld it—on grounds that the law, inasmuch as it prevented whites from marrying blacks and blacks from marrying whites, was race-neutral and did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment. The ruling was finally overturned in Loving v. Virginia (1967). More »

03
of 10
The Civil Rights Cases (1883)
Q: When did the Civil Rights Act, which mandated an end to racial segregation in public accommodations, pass? A: Twice. Once in 1875, and once in 1964.

We don’t hear much about the 1875 version because it was struck down by the Supreme Court in the Civil Rights Cases ruling of 1883, made up of five separate challenges to the 1875 Civil Rights Act. Had the Supreme Court simply upheld the 1875 civil rights bill, U.S. civil rights history would have been dramatically different.

04
of 10
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Most people are familiar with the phrase “separate but equal,” the never-achieved standard that defined racial segregation until Brown v. Board of Education (1954), but not everybody knows that it comes from this ruling, where Supreme Court justices bowed to political pressure and found an interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment that would still allow them to keep public institutions segregated. More »

05
of 10
Cumming v. Richmond (1899)
When three black families in Richmond County, Virginia faced the closing of the area’s only public black high school, they petitioned the Court to allow their children to finish their education at the white high school instead. It only took the Supreme Court three years to violate its own “separate but equal” standard by establishing that if there was no suitable black school in a given district, black students would simply have to do without an education. More »

06
of 10
Ozawa v. United States (1922)
A Japanese immigrant, Takeo Ozawa, attempted to become a full U.S. citizen, despite a 1906 policy limiting naturalization to whites and African Americans. Ozawa’s argument was a novel one: Rather than challenging the constitutionality of the statute himself (which, under the racist Court, would have probably been a waste of time anyway), he simply attempted to establish that Japanese Americans were white. The Court rejected this logic.

07
of 10
United States v. Thind (1923)
An Indian-American U.S. Army veteran named Bhagat Singh Thind attempted the same strategy as Takeo Ozawa, but his attempt at naturalization was rejected in a ruling establishing that Indians, too, are not white. Well, the ruling technically referred to “Hindus” (ironic considering that Thind was actually a Sikh, not a Hindu), but the terms were used interchangeably at the time. Three years later he was quietly granted citizenship in New York; he went on to earn a Ph.D. and teach at the University of California at Berkeley.

08
of 10
Lum v. Rice (1927)
In 1924, Congress passed the Oriental Exclusion Act to dramatically reduce immigration from Asia—but Asian Americans born in the United States were still citizens, and one of these citizens, a nine-year-old girl named Martha Lum, faced a catch-22. Under compulsory attendance laws, she had to attend school—but she was Chinese and she lived in Mississippi, which had racially segregated schools and not enough Chinese students to warrant funding a separate Chinese school. Lum’s family sued to try to allow her to attend the well-funded local white school, but the Court would have none of it.

09
of 10
Hirabayashi v. United States (1943)
During World War II, President Roosevelt issued an executive order severely restricting the rights of Japanese Americans and ordering 110,000 to be relocated to internment camps. Gordon Hirabayashi, a student at the University of Washington, challenged the executive order before the Supreme Court–and lost.

10
of 10
Korematsu v. United States (1944)
Fred Korematsu also challenged the executive order and lost in a more famous and explicit ruling that formally established that individual rights are not absolute and may be suppressed at will during wartime. The ruling, generally considered one of the worst in the history of the Court, has been almost universally condemned over the past six decades.

HOW THE JAPANESE AMERICANS WHO SAVED WORLD WAR II’S ‘LOST BATTALION’ BECAME HONORARY TEXANS

Source: http://www.texasstandard.org/stories/how-the-japanese-americans-who-saved-world-war-iis-lost-battalion-became-honorary-texans/

Members of the highly-decorated Nisei regiment received many of their military honors late in life.

I was looking at a list of honorary Texans recently. It is quite a long list. Only about a tenth of them would be known to most Texans. John Wayne – no surprise there. The only surprise is that it took until 2015 to make him one. Chuck Norris, born in Oklahoma, was made an honorary Texan a few months ago.

Gov. Rick Perry made many of his favorite political allies honorary Texans: Rush Limbaugh, Sean Hannity, Sarah Palin, and Glenn Beck, for example. George W. Bush made Bob Dylan an honorary Texan. Ann Richards chose Don McLean, Bob Hope, and Arnold Schwarzenegger, among many others. Alan Shivers made General Douglas MacArthur an honorary Texan.

The one case that stands out to me as the most astounding in this honoring business – and to my mind, the most deserving – is when Gov. John Connally, in 1962, awarded honorary Texan status to thousands of men simultaneously. He made the entire 442nd Regimental Combat Team and the 100th Battalion, C divisions of the U.S. Army for World War II, honorary Texans. As this year’s Veteran’s Day is fast approaching, I thought I would tell you how this came to be.

We must begin our story with the 1st Battalion of the 141st Regiment comprised of the Texas National Guard. Their nickname was the “Alamo Regiment.” In 1944, they were at the lead of a push to drive the Germans out of France. The battalion had a large supporting force during their campaign but they pushed ahead so fast in the Vosges Mountains that they found themselves cut off and surrounded behind enemy lines.

They became known in World War II lore as “The Lost Battalion.” The only good thing for the Texans is that they were on top of a mountain and so they had the classic advantage of high ground and line of sight. But they were still pounded by German artillery. It was foggy, rainy and very cold. They quickly dug fighting positions in the wet, muddy soil and covered themselves with tree limbs, rock and dirt. They did everything they could to provide cover from the splinters of tree bursts and shrapnel from exploding shells. They were also out of food and water. Exceptionally courageous pilots were able to fly through the rain and fog and airdrop small supplies of water purification pills, c-rations and ammunition to sustain them.

read  more …………